INSTRUCTIONS: Answer TWO of the following questions -- 1 and 2, or 1 and 3. The usual requirements hold for completeness, mechanics, effective use of textual sources, proper documentation, and formal writing style.
1. We began our study of Shinto by reviewing one of the conceptual frameworks we have used through the course -- namely, one recognizing the following contrasts:
|
Economic organization |
Primary myths |
Social organization |
Logic |
|
Neolithic horticultural/ vegicultural economy |
Goddess orientation |
matrilineal/matrifocal (not "matriarchal") |
connection alongside difference --> more egalitarian social arrangements ("organic" metaphor) |
|
High agriculture |
Sky-god/ warrior tradition |
patriarchy |
difference = opposition, conflict --> more hierarchical social arrangements |
(NOTE: This is only meant as a skeletal reminder of the contrasts we have explored -- it is not an exhaustive description.)
On the basis of these contrasts, and our earlier study of how these contrasts "play out" in history when an invading people (of the sky-god/warrior tradition) move into an indigenous population holding to the earlier (Goddess-oriented) tradition, we then developed a series of predictions as to what we would expect in Japanese religion (since Japanese religion represents a similar invasion of Confucian-oriented religion into a religious style marked by Goddess-oriented motifs).
Briefly, we found that many of the predictions resulting from this framework fit nicely with the known history of religion in Japan.
Develop this set of contrasts more fully -- first in general terms. Then describe the development of early Japanese religion, first of all, as this development fits this larger framework.
In this part of your essay, be sure to provide as many details as possible -- primarily from the Shinto mythology we have examined -- which support and illustrate the contention that
(a) early Japanese religion reflects the earlier Goddess-tradition, and
(b) this indigenous tradition is overturned -- but not extinguished -- by the invading Confucian tradition. (Evidence for "(b)" should also include comment on the subsequent status of women in Japan, including the description of the social status of female shamans in contemporary Japan.)
2. Fenton characterizes Shinto in the following ways:
Shinto consists of rituals and ceremonies rather than a set of dogmatic beliefs or definite code of ethics;
there is no founder, no all-powerful deity, no organized system of theology;
there are no laws -- only customs: "It does not have general and abstract philosophies; almost all of Shinto is particular - only this festival, that habit, this act." (245)
All of these characteristics make Shinto a "little tradition," one lived by the common folk, in contrast with the "great traditions" developed and articulated by the learned and powerful.
In these ways, Shinto is closest to early Hinduism: it is not centrally concerned with "morality" and codes of ethics.
(a) In these terms, Western Christianity, especially as we have characterized it in this class, is better understood as a "great tradition," rather than a "little tradition." Explain why this is so as carefully as you can. That is, using Fenton's comments as guidelines,
what characteristics marking Shinto are absent from Christianity?
what characteristics of "religion" absent from Shinto are found in Christianity?
(b) We have further seen in early Hinduism the emergence of "morality" (i.e., the dharmasutras, the doctrine of karma and reward/punishment in one's next existence, and the appearance of the caste system) associated with the transition from clan chieftains and herding economy to fortified cities, kings, and eventually the highly stratified society of Aryan empire -- as well as with the conflict this social transition entails as it further represents the "invasion" of Aryan mores and beliefs into indigenous Dravidian culture and religion (reflected to some degree in Jainism, if not Buddhism).
This suggests that "morality," as a feature of Vedic Hinduism as a "great tradition," -- especially as it takes the form of beliefs which reinforce a stratified society -- may serve as an ideology whose function is precisely to secure the hold of a social and political elite over the lower classes.
Given that "morality" (i.e., social codes of conduct) enters Japanese religions primarily in the form of Chinese Confucianism (a "great tradition") -- what do these moments of Hindu and Japanese religious history suggest about the role of religion (as defined with a great tradition) as an ideology of class structure?
3. Summarize the ethics of the Jains, paying careful attention to both the details of the ethical demands made by the Jain tradition and to the larger philosophical foundations of the Jain commitment to ahimsa. (Ferguson will be especially useful here.) As well, describe at least briefly the goal of religion in Jainism.
(a) Beginning with your characterization of Jainism, explain with some care how Jainism originally emergences as a countercultural religion, vis-a-vis the prevailing Vedic tradition of 600 B.C.E. (You may also want to comment here on the similarities between Buddhist and Jainist ethics -- and how both reflect the crisis we have examined in Hinduism.) Be sure in this context to further explain, in as much detail as you can, how Jainism can be seen as a return to at least some of the elements of the older, Pre-Aryan traditions (including some orientation towards Goddess religion).
(b) We have further seen in early Hinduism the emergence of "morality" (i.e., the dharmasutras, the doctrine of karma and reward/punishment in one's next existence, and the appearance of the caste system) associated with the transition from clan chieftains and herding economy to fortified cities, kings, and eventually the highly stratified society of Aryan empire -- as well as with the conflict this social transition entails as it further represents the "invasion" of Aryan mores and beliefs into indigenous Dravidian culture and religion (where the latter are reflected to some degree in Jainism, if not Buddhism).
This suggests that "morality," as a feature of Vedic Hinduism as a "great tradition," -- especially as it takes the form of beliefs which reinforce a stratified society (i.e., the caste system) -- may serve as an ideology whose function is precisely to secure the hold of a social and political elite over the lower classes.
Explain as best you can the contrast Jain ethics, as a countercultural tradition, offers to the cultural ethics of the dharmasutras.
Given that "morality" enters Hinduism in this way, and given the contrast between Jainist ethics and the ethics of the Dharmasutras -- what do these moments of Indian religious history suggest about the role of religion (as defined with a great tradition) as an ideology of class structure?